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dziedzic Lubotynia,
General wojsk rosyjskich 1894, marszalek szlachty pow. charkowskiego, general-gubernator penzenski, nastepnie jekaterinoslawski 1898, nastepnie wilenski 1902, minister spraw wewnetrznych cara 1904, w 1905 odsuniety od wladzy,
Zona: Katarzyna Bobrinska Aleksejewna
Po Aleksandrze III, Mikolaj II nie mial nic nowego do powiedzenia - tylko rozluznial cugle, mocno sciagniete przez tepego nacjonaliste, jakim byl jego ojciec. General-gubernatorem wilenskim zostal ksiaze Mirski. Ongis, chyba za Mikolaja I, dwaj mali ksiazeta Mirscy (nazwisko to pochodzi od Mior, dawniej Mier w Braslawskiem, a nie od radziwillowskiego Miru w Nowogrodzkiem, który Mirscy nabyli dopiero w XX wieku) zostali porwani przez Moskali, wychowani w korpusie paziów, przeprowadzeni na prawoslawie. General-gubernator byt wnukiem jednego z nich. Zachowal jakies polskie sentymenty. Zgoda panów litewskich z dynastia stala sie jego programem. Oczywiscie z polskiej strony wiedziano, ze samodzierzca uznaje tylko bezwarunkowa uleglosc, wykluczajac "zgode", lecz czasowa miejscowa ugoda zdawala sie mozliwa. Mirski wszczal rozmowy ze starym Adamem Platerem, do którego przylaczyli sie inni: miedzy nimi, jezeli mnie pamiec nie myli, Aleksander Tyszkiewicz z Kretyngi i Konstanty Skirmunt z Molodowa. Pamietam z tego okresu czeste podróze mego ojca do Wilna. Miano nadzieje na stworzenie warunków, ktore istnialy w Galicji po znanym akcie tamtejszych konserwatystów, ale nie chciano przyjac galicyjskiej formuly: "przy tobie, Najjasniejszy Panie, stoimy i stac chcemy". W koncu zgodzono sie na to, ze nie bedzie spisanego ukladu, bo i ze strony samodzierzcy nie moglo byc zadnych zobowiazan wobec "poddanych". Nasi panowie, nie chcac jednostronnego aktu podpisywac, zgodzili sie w koncu na akt symboliczny: obecnosc malej ich grupy na odslonieciu pomnika Katarzyny II w Wilnie. Po dlugich targach i ukladach w zamian obiecano ulgi dla Kosciola i zgode na prywatne szkoly polskie i litewskie. Bylem na ganku w Pojosciu, gdy mój ojciec wsiadl do powozu jadac na odsloniecie tego pomnika. Nie rozumialem o co chodzilo. Ale pamietam wyraz twarzy - i slowa po francusku do
matki i zony: nous sommes toujours !es boucs emissaires. Stanelo ich kilku zaledwie. Mirski - bez wiedzy, wbrew checi tych panów uzyskal dla nich, jako potwierdzenie nowego kursu, rosyjskie dworskie szambelanie. Byly one przykrym dodatkiem do istotnych zysków: ulg w Kosciele, zgody na polskie i litewskie szkolnictwo prywatne, swobody dla powstajacych równoczesnie Towarzystw Rolniczych.
Ten "nowy kurs" - szczególnie w dziedzinie szkolnictwa - nie pozostal bez znaczenia dla przetrwania polskosci na calej dawnej Litwie przez lat kilkanascie, az do odzyskania niepodleglosci. Demonstracja ugodowa wilenska wywolala ostre ataki prasy warszawskiej i krakowskiej. Ale uczestnicy tej demonstracji nie stracili zaufania wspólobywateli i byli potem obierani na najwyzsze stanowiska spoleczne i polityczne.
"Towarzystwa Rolnicze" powstaly we wszystkich guberniach dawnego W. Ksiestwa Litewskiego. W Minsku zalozyl je Edward Woynillowicz, w Wilnie Pawel Koncza, w Kownie moj ojciec. Przyjeto je, jako namiastke od pól wieku zniszczonej, prastarej instytucji sejmików szlacheckich. Mialy ogromny wplyw na zycie gospodarcze kraju.
Najwazniejsza sprawa stala sie zapoczatkowana przez mego ojca akcja komasacji gruntów chlopskich. Chlopi mieli jeszcze duze, dwudziestodziesiecinowe dzialy, ale byly one rozbite na waskie, dlugie "sznury", uniemozliwiajace rozwój gospodarczy. Szczególna kleska bylo, ze co cztery lata czwarta czesc sznurów stawala sie wspólnym pastwiskiem wioski. Z inicjatywy Towarzystw Rolniczych powstaly powiatowe Komisje Komasacyjne - ich prezesi, ziemianie, dnie i miesiace spedzali na trudnych ukladach miedzy komasujacymi swe grunta gospodarzami - az wreszcie, po uzyskaniu kredytów, wioska zamienila sie w grupe niezaleznych osad; gospodarze w ciagu niewielu lat dochodzili do nieznanego przedtem dobrobytu. Ale dla przeprowadzenia komasacji potrzebny byl nie tylko ogrom pracy tych czlonków Towarzystw Rolniczych: potrzebne bylo równiez i wielkie zaufanie, jakie mieli wzgledem nich gospodarze. To zaufanie wiosek do dworów bylo jedna z zapomnianych i bardzo starannie dzis zaklamanych cech stosunków na Litwie, przetrwalo ono chyba az do konca pierwszej wojny swiatowej. Towarzystwo Rolnicze zajelo sie wzajemna asekuracja, rozpowszechnianiem rasowego bydla i koni, handlem narzedziami rolniczymi - i organizacja zbytu produktów rolnych za granice: swininy, serów, przede wszystkim zas masla; dzis latwo sie zapomina, ze dobrobyt Republiki Litewskiej w okresie miedzy wojnami byl w znacznym stopniu owocem pracy Towarzystwa Rolniczego.
(W.M. str 20)
In the end, the absurdity of the press ban became apparent to Russian publicists and statesmen. Even the ardent Slavophile Ivan Aksakov (1823-1886) wrote in the April 15th, 1884 issue of Rus' that there was no sense in trying to force an alien alphabet on an unwilling people.119 The Governor General of Vilnius Piotr Sviatopolk-Mirsky (1857-1914) admitted the collapse of the policy of persecuting the Lithuanian press. In his report for 1902 and 1903 Sviatopolk-Mirsky wrote: "That is entirely understandable. Literature has never been created by government. It develops together with the general spiritual growth of a nation since literature depends entirely on society..."
(http://www.lituanus.org/1996/96_4_03.htm)
The committee complained that the press ban had produced completely unexpected results, one of which was the development of strong Lithuanian nationalism. Some Russian officials in Lithuania felt that the press ban needlessly antagonized the people against the Tsarist regime and that it was in the interest of the Russian state to have a legal Lithuanian press which could be censored. Prince Sviatopolk-Mirsky, who became govern or general in 1902, reported to St. Petersburg that “the Cyrillic script has not established itself among the Lithuanians” and that, despite the government's efforts, illegal publications were “spreading throughout the Northwest Territory [i. e. Lithuania] by the tens of thousands.” The governor general urged the Tsar to repeal the press ban. The press ban was shown to have no legal basis when in 1902 and 1903 the Russian Senate (Supreme Court) reversed two convictions in press ban cases (against Antanas Macijauskas and Povilas Visinskis). The reversals were based on the Senate's opinion that the original executive decree which had promulgated the press ban was illegal. Finally, the out break of the Russo Japanese war per suaded the Tsarist government of the need for placating Russia's nations minorities. The ban on Lithuanian publications in the Latin alphabet was lifted by the Tsar on April 24, 1904.
http://www.spaudos.lt/Istorija/Lithuanian_Resistance.en.htm
Mirski, ks. Piotr Światopełk- -nowy gubernator jekaterynosławskiej gubernii:
"Jekaterynosław", art., Kraj, nr.8, 1898, str. 20
PETER 1857-1914
The new tsar, Alexander III., was an apt pupil of his tutor Pobedonostsev (q.v.), the celebrated procurator of the Reaction Holy Synod, for whom the representative system was under “ a modern lie,” and his reign covered a period of frank Alexander reaction, during which there was not only no question of
granting any fresh liberties but those already conceded
(e.g. the principle of the separation of the administrative and judicial functions) were largely curtailed. The result of this policy of repression, associated as it was with gross incompetence and corruption in the organs of the administration, was the rapid spread of the revolutionary movement, which gradually permeated the inteffigent classes and ultimately
“Tolstoi observed that that was argument and reason, and that he paid no attention to them; he only guided himself (he said) by sentiment, which he felt sure told him what was good and right! “—Interview with Metchnikoff in Sir Ray Lankester’s Science from an Easy Chair, p. 43.
‘In 1767, when Catherine 11.—in a mood of encyclopaedist enlightenment—summoned it. The meetir~g confined its attention to economic questions, and had no political character whatever.
In his speech at the opening of the first Polish parliament at Warsaw in 1818, Alexander I. publicly announced his intention of granting free institutions to Russia.
affected even the stolid and apparently immovable masses of the peasantry.
The movement came to a head, as a result of the disasters of the war with Japan, in 1904. The assassination of the minister of the interior Plehve, on the 14th of July, Influence by the revolutionist Sazon.ov was remarkable as a of thu symptom mainly owing to the widespread sympathy Japanese of the European press of all shades of opinion with War. the motives of the assassin. It was clear that the system with which the murdered minister’s name had been associated stood all but universally condemned, and in the appointment of the conciliatory Prince Sviatopolk-Mirski as his successor the tsar himself seemed to concede the necessity for a change of policy.4 In November, with the tacit consent of Meeting the police, a private assembly of eminent members of zemstof local zemstvos and municipal dumas was held VOS. in St Petersburg to discuss the situation. The majority of this decided to approach the crown with a suggestion for a reform of the Russian system on the basis of a national representative assembly, an. extension of local self-government, and wider guarantees for individual liberty. The day on which the deputation laid these views before Prince Mirski was hailed by public opinion as recalling the 5th of May 1789, the date of the meeting of the French states-general at Versailles. The emperor, however, whatever his own views, was surrounded by reactionary influences, of which the most powerful were the empress-mother, Pobedonostsev the procurator of the Holy Synod, Count Muraviev and the Grandduke Sergius. The imperial ukaz of the 12th of December enunciating reforms affecting the peasants, workmen and local zemstvos failed to satisfy public opinion; for there was no word in it of constitutional government. Petitions continued to flow in to the emperor’s cabinet, praying for a national representation, from the zemstvos, from the nobles Agit alien and from the professional classes, and their moral and was enforced by general agitation, by partial strikes, outrages. and by outrages which culminated at Moscow in the murder of the Grand-duke Sergius (February 4th, 1905). In the imperial counsels the resisting forces still seemed to have the upper hand. Prince Mirski resigned, his resignation being immediately followed by a reactionary imperial manifesto reaffirming the principle of autocracy (February 18th).
Piotr Dmitriewicz Ksiaz Mirski-Swiatopolk
Vorgänger:Dymitr Iwanowicz Mirski-Swiatopolk
(A. de G.)
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